died. in afghanistan they vow to continue rye yooting into the filmmaker is brought to justice. this morning they torched police cars and shipping containers and chanted death to america after a weekend aattack on nat o's attack left dead. over the weekend the feds questioned the california man who they believe produced the film. accessing the internet might violate ms. probation stemming from 2010 charges of bank fraud. leon panetta insists the worst of the violence is over, but the military is beefing up security across the region. let's start with nbc foreign correspondent in benghazi, the most violent example the week. amin, about 50 are in custody about the attack on the consulate. many say it's not about the film. it's a smoke screen for attacks

they were planned and not spontaneous. what are you hearing? >> it's important to put it in the proper perspective across the region. what happened in benghazi is different than in other places. according to libyan officials we've been speaking to and even by that assessment from u.s. ambassador to the u.n. susan rice, the protests at the benghazi were sfont nus. it's what happened during the protests in terms of attack on the u.s. consulaequenculate tha difference of opinion. libyans think it was a preplanned attack. it was a group of people that came into the country in the wake of revolution and exploited the security vacuum in the country and planned to carry out an attack on the diplomatic facility. something that happened previously over the past several months on other targets. the rest of the muslim world if you experience it is a more genuine anger towards the anti-islam film. here in libya the people have denounced actually the u.s. consulate attack. we haven't seen the type of

protests taking place in other countries systemically in benghazi. since that deadly attack the people of libya particularly in benghazi distanced themselves from that deadly incident. they rejected it and stood in solidarity with ambassador stevens who gave his life in the conflict. people respected him very much. it's a slightly different situation, but on the streets of libya people have denounced and rejektsed that particular at that attack. >> stay safe. with us is robin wright a senior fellow at the u.s. institute of peace and a distinguished scholar at the wilson center and also the author of "the islamists are coming." you told chuck todd these current protests are smaller than the ones in the arab spring and these current protests are a fight inside the islamic world. they have little to do with the west. explain that for me. >> well, i think we need to understand the broader context of what's happening across the region, and it's at a delicate time.

this is a moment of transition for many countries, and there are a lot of different players jockeying for power. there are ultra conservatives involved at the initial protest at the u.s. embassy in cairo who are trying to push their ideas in the new order, in writing a new constitution, in defining who will rule the country. i think we need to be very careful in comparing these. these were tiny, almost everywhere compared to the hundreds of thousands and in some cases millions of people that took to the streets to challenge dictators. these by comparison are very small. >> robin i want to read something that the former ambassador pinkering wrote. he rights it's important for the u.s. to understand that the arab spring is seen more widely in the muslim world as reflecting america's declining influence in the region, and that this perception will increase as the u.s. prepares to withdraw from afghanistan. i think we make the mistake of having seen the arab spring as something of a mirror.

seeing ourselves in its development. did we mistake an embrace of democracy for an embrace of america? >> no, i don't think so. the arab uprising were seen with the last 40 years with the end of communist in eastern europe and the end ofrica africa. their uprisings came in context of a long history of colonial rule and western influence, and they saw it not just as the end of the dictators who ruled for decad decades. this was also for example in the case of egypt ending western influence. they began with napoleon's invasion. this is an attempt to reclaim their future. all of these incidents that take place, whether with the film or with satanic verses, the very controversial novel happened in context of the tensions that go

back a long way. there's not just one factor in all of this. it's the intersection of different causes that spark these protests. >> robin, i was hoping you could help us understand this sort of internal domestic dynamics going on in egypt. president morsi is obviously a member of the muslim brotherhood. there are two different factions. there's the muslim brotherhood and there's the solafus. kuk break down the distinctions and the differences in ideology between the two. >> the muslim brotherhood is 84 years ago. it renounced terrorism in 1969. it was, in fact, the largest opposition force in parliament with 88 seats during hosni mubarak's rule. they are not newcomers to politics. the solafes are, they want to take muslim societies back to the kind of purity, as they describe it, of the islamic

world in the 7th century, in the three generations after the prophet's muhammad's life. they have very different visions of the future. one is ultra conservative when it comes to women's rights particularly, but in describing how the role of islamic law in society. the muslim brotherhood is a bit more realistic. it's a bit more modern whether it comesed to understanding that egypt is part of globalization and has to rely on foreign tourists. it needs aid and can't deny development assistance on the ground that is it involves interest which is usary. so they're very different outlooks, and the irony is that even though the 70% represent the majority, they don't like each other. >> so, robin, how widespread is the sentiment in egypt that led to these protests? is there that strong anti-american sentiment really prevalent on the ground there? >> it goes to the question about

american influence, and the reality is that the united states has declining influence in the region. that's in many ways natural in part because these are blossoming democracies that want to claim their own political future. but it's -- the anti-americanism is in part because they don't understand why the united states can't prevent the kind of film that was released. they don't fully understand what freedom of the press means, and that we have limited recourse. so this is a problem. this may not be the last incident. there are tensions -- in the same way, you know, muslims don't understand why we can't do anything, americans assume bh there's a protest like this, this means that all muslims are against the united states. i don't think that's true. they value our freedoms and the kind of lifestyle we lead, even if they don't want to be influenced heavily by the united states. >> you talk about the declining influence of the united states.

at the beginning of his term president obama made a big show of reaching out to the muslim world with his speech in cairo in 2009. can you assess the evolution of his standing and his image and america's standing and america's image in the muslim and arab worlds since then. better, worse, the same? >> well, it's not necessarily the obama administration. it's the united states in general. in the past decade -- in the decade since 9/11, and the sense we've engaged in two military interventions. there's a deep fear about a third war when it deals with iran's nuclear program. there's a sense that the united states' intentions, whether because of oil or territorial ambitions or because of our relationship with israel, that our intentions may not always be positive. that's the suspicion that colors attitudes towards the united states. >> robin, you're talking about sort of post-9/11 there. the promise or pro terrible that

obama or his supporters put out there this is a turning point in the post-9/11 relationship of the united states to the muslim and arab world. since 2009 how do you think things have gone? >> well, he initially got a bump after his election and after the first of three speeches in turkey and indonesia as well. there's been a sense -- a decline in key muslim countries, particularly in the middle east. you know, the suspicions are not going away, and there's a lot of repair work that has to go on i think on both sides. >> robin, i want to ask you about something ugsd earlier that the muslim brotherhood is seen as more modern. that's probably true, but certainly not comparatively around the world. i'm sure you know that the muslim brotherhood is calling to undo the ban on female genital mutilation. only 2% of women hold a seat in the new muslim brotherhood

parliament. under the muslim brotherhood we saw a woman in a head scarf for the first time on egyptian state tv, where's mubarak had outlawed that in interest of showing more secularism on tv. i'm sure you don't mean modern by western standards, right? >> no, but in context -- you have to understand that 80% of egyptian women do wear a head scarf, and this is a phenomena that has evolved in the last 40 years, not just since the muslim brotherhood's election. that during hosni mubarak's rule more and more women put on the head scarf. this was, i think, a reflection of the deep conservative values in egyptian society. and you're absolutely right on female genital mutilation. this is a problem that, again, afflicts the majority of egyptian women, both christian and muslim. it is not a muslim practice. this is something common in that part of africa. it's common in sudan as well. it has nothing to do with religion. and what the government -- what

the new government has said that the families should make that choice. i for one find that offensive, but, you know, this is going to be a controversial issue in judging how modern the muslim brotherhood is and what kind of relationship it has with the outside world. >> robin, let's talk about the trend line on this. is it going to get larger and louder and spread more, or is it going to peter out and end soon? >> well, the problem is that political players exploit these incidents for their own gain. i remember after satanic verses ayatollah khomeini in iran in 1989, i asked the son if anyone in the family had ever read "sa fan in this case verses," and he said no. the riots started in south asia and pakistan and india, and it was then that the iranians capitalized on it and exploited it for their own political gain.

that's the real danger. whether it's the hez of hezbollah calling for protests now, that others will use this incident. that's the real danger. >> salmon would agree with you on that, his new memoir, he talks about becoming a political football in at that way. thank you very much. >> thank you. if you thought you were having a rough monday, how would you like to be the president right now dealing with a middle eastern crisis or mitt romney dealing with a campaign crisis riffe with fingering and back stabbing. we'll talk it over in the spin as we roll on for monday, september 17th. >> i'm not worried. not in the least. should be. seems like i would be, but i'm not. i'll tell you why. our campaign has a secret weapon, and that secret weapon

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mitt romney is about to speak before the hispanic chamber of commerce in l.a. it's his latest attempt to tap into an estimated 12 million latino voters expected to turn out in the election. the romney team hit the road this morning around the same

time a less than flattering politico story hit the presses. they asked where is the bain capital romney touted so much on the trail? the romney camp calls it silly process stuff. here at "the cycle" we call it perfect fodder for the spin, right? >> yes. >> first, kudos to politico, because this campaign is notoriously hard to access if you're a journalist not named fox news. politico brought us the most comprehensive look inside the inner workings of the north end, which i preached, even though it was painful to read as a conservative. second, i have a message for my conservative colleagues who seem to be engaging in this circular firing squad. calm down. let's chill out a little bit. this is not the end of the party as we know it. we will not be shutting down the party if romney does not win.

and a couple bad weeks on the campaign trail, first of all, are sort of parse and parcel of every campaign. b, i don't think they speak to the kind of leadership failures that obama's presidency have. i don't think we should be comparing obama's presidency, four years of it nearly now, to romney's campaign failures. i think you can be honest about romney's mistakes, and i've tried to be, without speaking in epilogue. >> so you're not going to shut down the republican party after the election? >> how does anyone do na? >> that's the thing that jumped out at you? >> the party will live on. i promise you. >> you're saying -- >> stop hyperventilating. >> we had laura ingram and rush limbaugh saying the party -- this is the end of the republican party as we know it. >> right. >> what's fascinating to me about this is we're seeing now a

preview of how republicans will interpret and handle a defeat if they lose in november. what's interesting to me is what this says about where the party is going in the event of a loss. i made this point last week. if you can think back to the last incumbent democrat to seek re-election, bill clinton to 1996. in the republican opposition was as heated and sfwens and unyielding as the republican opposition to barack obama has been. when the republicans lost the 1996 election, they basically gave credit to clinton for k beating them and they changed their strategy. it changed in his second term in approach of the 2000 election. they decided they needed their own bill clinton. right now they don't give obama credit. they're blaming mitt romney if they lose this election. they say romney lost this. >> romney has made mistakes, but let's calm down. mitt romney is out now speaking in los angeles to the hispanic chamber of commerce. let's listen in.

>> it's risen by almost 15 million since president obama took office. median household income has fallen four years in a row. now, seeing such a poor jobs and income picture, the federal reserve has announced it will once again print more money. the fed knows that this comes with a high cost and risk for the future. it feels it has no other choice. our leaders in washington have failed to produce a real recovery. no one is exempt from the pain of this economy, of course, but the hispanic community has been particularly hard-hit. while national unemployment is at 8.1%, hispanic unemployment as you know is over 10%. over 2 million more hispanics are living in poverty today than the day president obama took office. in 2008 candidate obama promised us a world of limitless hope. what we got instead is a world where hope has painful limits. limits that make it harder to

start a business, to grow a business, or to find a job. the administration promised us that its policies would have brought unemployment down to 5.4% by now. they haven't. unemployment is still above 8%. the difference between the 5.4% they promised and the 8% they delivered is 9 million more americans not working. 9 million. i expected that the president at his convention would talk about the unemployed and uncentrveil s plan. astonishingly he didn't. i have a plan, and my plan for a stronger middle class will create 12 million jobs by the en end of my first term and raise take-home pay. my plan is premised on the conviction that it is freedom that drives our economy.

that free people creating free enterprises is what creates good jobs with good wages. government supports the job creators, but it cannot take their place. now, my plan as you've heard has five key steps. first we take advantage of our oil, gas, coal, nuclear and renewables to achieve north american energy independence in eight years. that will not only give us the affordable, reliable energy we need but create 4 million jobs and it will bring manufacturing back to our country. second, we've got to give our fellow citizens the skills they need for the jobs of today. we got to give our kids the education they need for the careers of tomorrow. there are too many of our kids trapped in failing schools.

as president i'll ensure that every child from every background receives a quality education. i'll empower the -- i'll empower the parents of our low-income and special needs students to choose where their child goes to school. now, three, we'll make trade work for america by forging new trade agreements with nations that play by the rules. at the same time, we crack down on nations that don't. we can jump start our economy by expanding trade with latin america, and our nation's 3 million hispanic-owned businesses will have the most to gain. president obama has not initiated a single new trade agreement with latin america. i will. i'll also pursue a comprehensive strategy to confront china's unfair trade practices, and i'll do that from day one.

the president may think that announcing new trade lawsuits less than two months before the election will distract from his record, but american businesses and workers struggling on an uneven playing field know better. if i knew all it took to get him to take action was to run an ad citing his inaction on china's cheating, i'd have run one a long time ago. fourth, we've got to cut the deficit and put america on track to a balanced budget. i actually believe it's immoral foss to continue to spend more than we take in and to pass our debts on to our kids. i'd like to spend some time talking about this issue in particular. as businessmen and businesswomen and as hispanics, you understand the threat president obama's spending poses for our future. many hispanics have sacrificed

greatly to help build our country and economy and to leave for their children a brighter future. today those sacrifices are being put at risk by a president who just can't stop spending. the president likes to claim he'll reduce the deficit by $4 trillion. what he doesn't go on to tell you he's including in that figure over 1 trillion of spending cuts put in place or counting deficit reduction for 12 years. that's right. that includes five years after he leaves office, even if he were to be re-elected. under president obama federal spending peaked at 25% of the total economy. that's a level we haven't seen since world war ii. i propose to bring federal spending to -- >> that was mitt romney talking to the hispanic chamber of commerce asking where the president has been on poverty, unemployment, trade, china. toure. >> we were talking about the politico story about strife in the rom campaign. every campaign has strife.

a lot of big egos and the terrain is changing. you could write the story about almost any campaign ever. the thing is that we have leaking and finger points, which tells me that a lot of people in boston in that romney campaign think we're losing. we need to make sure the right people need the blame, i.e., not me. they say stewart stevens does everything and everything he doesn't do, blame romney. the afghanistan omission in the rnc speech is addressed specifically saying it was their fault we gave them a speech with it in there. they didn't put it in. >> it will be interesting to watch how they get nemsz and act today. world events overshadowing this afternoon. a professor that lived here in and egypt helps us understand what's really going on over there. time for your business

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as those anti-american protests fan out across the arab world, we want to focus in on egypt. the images of egyptians tearing down a u.s. flag at the american embassy last week signaled serious trouble in the region, much like the tens of thousands in tahrir square last spring. are the pictures telling the whole story? we're going to bridge the gap between what we think we know and what might be going on. sherman jackson has worked extensively in egypt and he's a professor of religion and he's the chair at university of southern california. thank you so much for joining us. >> thank you very much. >> so help us understand what's going on on the ground in egypt. how widespread are the sentiments that are being expressed through these protests? >> well, i think we might begin by recognizing the fact that cairo itself is a country of about 18 to 20 million people. what i've seen so far and what i've been able to gather in terms of the numbers involved in

the protests barely reaching to the thousands. i think we have to separate tahrir square from what's going on around the embassy. if you get up to a couple thousand in tahrir, that's a large number for these demonstrations. by the embassy, it doesn't reach into the hundreds. i think that in the context of a city, that's 18 to 20 million people, we're talking about a very small percentage of people involved in actual protests. >> professor, you've written quite a bit about sha rerira an lot of americans don't understand it. can it be compatible with a true democracy in our understanding of that word? >> i think it by "democracy" we mean political decisions are subject to a process where there are winners and losers and there's equality and participation in the political process, i think it can. i think that the major differences is that there's foundational principles like we have in the west.

we have it in the united states and we have it in germany that may differ from what we generally recognize in the west. i think in terms of democracy as a process that opens up political decision-making to the entire population, i think that s sharia is quite compatible with democracy. that's the growing sentiment and point of view among scholars and clerics among the muslim world. >> let's talk about the political landscape in egypt as islamism takes shape. morsi is not elected by a landslide. are there moderate muslims in egypt that can steer the culture away from extremism and more towards the progressivism, i think, western audiences certainly hoped for out of the arab spring? >> well, i think it's a matter of how you define those things. i think coming out in places like egypt, the more moderate

among them, we can expect movements who will advocate policies that may not be consistent with some of the west values, but i don't think these are movements that are interested in clashing with the west in terms of violating or threatening its security. i think that over the long run what the relationship between these movements and the west will turn out to be will depend on the kind of negotiating relationships that can be established between these movements and western governments. i don't think that we're going to be anytime soon looking at movements that produce social political orders that are carbon copies of the west. >> professor, there's an interesting article in the "new york times" from david kirkpatrick, and he said he heard the word "freedom" come up a lot. it got a different definition from the protestors. they were talking about, quote, the right of a community,

whether muslim, christian or jewish to be free from grave insult to its identity and vaulvaul values. is there a big difference in how we define freedom in the west and what that word means in the muslim world. >> i don't know if i'd characterize it as a funt mental difference. we tend to be more individualistic in our identity and there's more of a communal identity. so people will react to affronts to their communal identity, whereas in the west we tend to react in terms of what threatens us in terms of personal identity. >> interesting. professor jackson, thanks so much. >> thank you very much. turning back here at home, right now the first lady is about to make a campaign stop for her husband in the swing state of florida. up up next, we'll listen in, and we'll talk about the psychology of the swing vote. can any of us really be swayed at this point? want to try to crack it? yeah, that's the way to do it!

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the other side is more than happy to talk about what they think is wrong about america. they won't tell you how it started. they're happy to talk about what's wrong. they don't do much to tell you what they're going to do to make it right. they want your vote, but thep don they don't want to tell you their plan. >> that's president obama campaigning in the battleground state of ohio in a direct appeal to rust belt voters in their jobs. "the new york times" estimates somewhere between 3% and 5% of the electorate this fall can be classified as swing voters. those could be swayed to either side. the rest of them seem to have their minds made up by now. the next guest knows about how voters actually make up their

minds no matter what they tell themselves. jonathan is a professor aat nyu and he's the author of the it yus mind, why good people are divided by politics and religion. jonathan, thanks for being here. i want to take it from the perspective of we have such a polarized electorate right now where people are clearly democrats and republicans and very few are in between. you have a very interesting explanation of how it is that people arrive at their conclusions whether it comes to making political opinions. take us through what the process is for people and how they form their political opinions. >> sure. so i study moral psychology. i do experiments on how people make moral judgments, and the basic finding is we make our moral judgments like we make our aesthetic judgments. we look at something and it looks good to us and ugly to us. we engage in reasoning, but that's what we do afterwards to justify ourselves and to persuade others to judge us. we're not good as weighing the costs and benefits. we tend to have an initial

judgment and stick to it. >> when we look at the electorate right now, if we take that chunk in the middle, the swing voters that decide it one way or the other, what kinds of messages do you think they are getting from the obama campaign and from the romney campaign? are there specific messages or specific tactics that either of those campaigns are using that you think are breaking through to voters at that intuitive level? >> what's so interesting about this election is that it's a real shift from the culture that we had since the '90s, which was about abortion and patriotism and religion. now we shift over since the tea party to one about fairness, and the two sides have very different views of fairness. everybody is in favor of fairness, but on the right that tends to mean fairness as a equality and if there's massive inequality there might be unfairness. we're at the one-year anniversary of "occupy wall street." on the right they focus on equity as proportionality.

there's not a lot of sympathy for those at the bottom. both sides make arguments about fairness. we heard mitt romney about it's immoral to spend more than we take in. that's the equity thing. neither side is doing a good job of appealing to the american concerns for not just equity but equality of opportunity. that's one that i think romney has been weak on. >> professor, it may or may not please you to know that i wrote my religious thesis for my masters at nyu on comparing group behavior amongst religious folks and sports fans. you write in the righteous mind about our groupishness, our desire to be part of groups. i get that implicitly. explain to me want mind of the undecided or swing voter who seems very content to wait until the last minute to belong to a group. >> the most important fact about

it we're so groupish. start by understanding our moral psychology and tribalism. you can see how it plays out in politics, religion, sports. people belong to a lot of groups, and for a lot of people belonging to the republican party or democratic party is not the most appealing groups sdwroin. a lot of americans are not members of one or the other. they call themselves independents. a lot of people are disgusted with the parties and partisanship. >> when you talk about moral psychology, do politicians actually persuade people to vote for them, or is there something else going on? >> this election is remarkable for how few people are in the center. prior to 2004, campaigns fought it out for the center. there was some mixture in each party. the parties weren't as perfectly cleanly divides, and all the way up through george bush running as a compassionate conservative, everybody thought you had to get the center, and that used to be true. now that the parties are so

separated, there are no liberals in the republican party and to conservatives practically in the democratic party, since 2004 they're going for the base. outrage them and get them to the polls. that tepnds to suppress participation in the center, but it brings up turnout on the extremes and this contributes to the polarization. this is where we're stuck now. >> you write about the six clusters about moral concerns and how they prioritize them differently. can you talk about which moral concerns conservatives prioritize and the liberals prioritize. >> with myr research group, we consistently find that people that say they're on the left tend to value all the items about care, concern, compassion. you hear that in obama's speeches. secondarily, there's fairness but fairness as equality and liberty as liberty from oppression.

that's the liberal and moral view. conservatives care about all those things, but fairness is more for them. are you taking out in proportion what you put in? what social conservatives have that liberals don't often recognize is the idea that group loyalty, respect for authority and order and tradition, and a sense of purity or sanctity which you saw in the section on sack religion and blass femy. social conservatives have a broader, moral demand around those issues. >> in 30 seconds there's one thing i'm dying to ask you. you set out as a liberal to write a how to guide for democrats to communicate in politics. when you wrote chapter 8, you had to stop and say i can't call myself a liberal anymore. can you tell me why you came to that? >> in ten seconds and less i tried to explain to liberals. by the time i wrote the book,

they're right. both sides are right. left and right are like yin and yang. they see different threats and you actually need a balance. it's a good argument with a conservative and some liberals. >> i'm glad i asked the question now. thanks so much for joining us. up next, he exposed us to baltimore's gritty underbelly in "the wire." now he has a candid take on corruption in the crescent city. david schneider joins us straight ahead. our abundant natural gas is already saving us money, producing cleaner electricity, putting us to work here in america and supporting wind and solar. though all energy development comes with some risk, we're committed to safely and responsibly producing natural gas. it's not a dream. america's natural gas... putting us in control of our energy future, now.

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♪ stop the music. stop the music. stop. no more. that's it. stop the music. >> my little brother. come on, now. >> we got noise complaints. >> this is a memorial for curly jane. >> you all can't play your instruments out here without a permit. >> all right. you all can't stop me from singing in the streets, right? ♪ >> that's from hhbo's "treme" looking at post-katrina new orleans and giving you a

flafr of the place. the third season premieres this sunday night at 8:00 p.m. and it's written by david simon, and the man who wrote "the wire." it's an honor to have you on the show today. >> thanks very much. >> let's talk about this coming season of "treme." how do you move forward in the relationship to katrina as you get further away from katrina. how does new orleans grow in this season? >> what we've been trying to do is follow the actual history. we think it's allegorical. the reason to do the story is not just to tell a story of new orleans but we think it's allegorical for where the country is at. in the same way the basic infrastructure of new orleans was wut to the test and found to be vulnerable in 2005 when katrina happened, the same thing sort of happened to the rest of the country as a whole three years later. if you think about it. our presumptions about our own sense of what was right and wrong, of who had our backs, of

what political leadership was capable of. new orleans took a big bite of that apple three years before the rest of the country. so now we're in the third year since katrina, and you're starting to see people come to the realization that if anything is going to change or if anything is going to be restored or created, it's kind of up to them. they're on their own, and i think as americans we've all sort of felt that a little bit in the last four or five years. >> your getting into the heart of new orleans with "treme" as you got into the heart of baltimore with "the wire." talk about the differences with baltimore and new orleans. baltimore seems to be a place of no hope or at least as painted in "the wire" and new orleans seems to have a place that's dying to have hope despite all evidence to the contrary. >> i can't agree to that. i'm talking to you from downtown baltimore where i live. baltimore has considerable hope and should. like the rest of industrial america, it has been left behind at points by the economy of the

21st century. baltimore is not alone in this. we have become two americas in some fundamental and economic ways but baltimore has its strengths and its weaknesses, much like new orleans. if there is a difference, in new orleans you can make statements about culture and its affect on community and the relationship between community and culture because the culture is out in the street. it's visual. it can be heard. it manifests itself in some very vibrant ways, it can carry a tune in the way baltimore can't. the same dynamic is going on in both places. these cities are trying to find their way and they're doing so on their own terms. a lot of our popular culture comes to us from los angeles and new york and our political culture from d.c. these are very artificial environments. the rest of the country is an urban environment or we're all clustered around metro regions but they don't have things as artificial as new york is the financial center or the

entertainment hub that is los angeles or the government hub that is washington. they have to rely on their economies as they are, and they're experiencing a very different america by and large than the rest of the country. >> baltimore itself of course has hope, but was there hope in the world of "the wire"? >> "the wire" was in some ways a testimonial to policy that had gone wrong in terms of the drug war and in terms of the some other elements that we discussed in terms of political reform. i think the country as a whole has to worry about capital's grip on government at this point in the wake of citizens united and some other things. at this point the lever of reform used to be held by a strong fourth estate, strong journalism, and a government that was capable of reform because it couldn't be purchased at wholesale prices. i don't care if you live in baltimore or indianapolis or new orleans or anywhere, hope is going to become harder and

harder to come by, but i don't see any general difference between the economic threats and the political threats to baltimore as i do from new orleans. >> all right. david simon, great to have you join us. thanks for being here. >> thank you for having me. >> up next, my thoughts on smoosh words wrecking the english language. we create easy-to-use, powerful trading tools for all. like our all-in-one trade ticket. we put strategies, chains and positions all on one screen. start trading today with optionsxpress by charles schwab. with a vial and syringe. me, explaining what i was doing at breakfast. and me discovering novolog mix 70/30 flexpen. flexpen is pre-filled with your pre-mix insulin. dial the exact dose. inject by pushing a button. no vials, syringes or coolers to carry. flexpen is insulin delivery my way. novolog mix 70/30 is an insulin used to control high blood sugar in adults with diabetes.

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it will never turn back on. >> there's other towns like ours, right? >> got to turn the lights back on. >> that's your going to help me get him back. >> rev lution, premieres tonight after "the voice" on nbc. it's a small mountain/hill. >> it's a mill. how would you say it? >> i would probably not do it like that. i would probably say a himalantin. >> the whole purpose is to

smoosh -- >> it's the most awkward way to do it. >> at first the purpose was to shorten but somewhere along the line things went haywire. i mean, brunch is a smoosh word that makes sense. now it's like words are having sex and birthing new words that are synthetic and just saying look at me i'm a new word, whoo. some of these new words are as gross as cankles. does anyone need to k chillax? i guess cca-colonization. i have been to paris and seen kentucky fried chicken. talk about paving over paradise and putting up a parking lot. coca-yol lonization is meaningful because it's

happening. does anyone need the word craptacular or fantabulous and ginormous. there are perfectly good words that mean the same thin. bus beyonce coined the word bootylicious doesn't mean you should use it. i'd rather year fingernails on a chalkboard than here a man talk about jeggings. every celebrity couple has to have a smooth name. you know what made no sense at all? tomkat. now we have kimye? stop the madness. i saw a bumper sticker that said recessionista put the funn